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The Politics, Sociology and Economics of Education: Interdisciplinary and Comparative Perspectives

This book uses international and interdisciplinary approaches to the comparative study of education in its political, sociological, and economic contexts. Major topics include critical theory, hegemony, postmodernism, oppression, disabilities, emancipation, corporatism, meritocracy, democracy, socialization, reproduction, pluralism, inequality, social analysis, postindustrialism, predatory culture, pragmatism, and 'subversion'. Educators from the US, UK, Canada, Netherlands, FRG, Israel, and Sweden survey the current educational scene in the US and Western Europe, major policy debates, and possible solutions for current public policy dilemmas.

Politics, the Military and National Security in Jordan, 1955-1967 (St Antony's Series)

Using new archival material, Lawrence Tal examines how Jordan remained stable during the volatile period between 1955 and 1967. Tal asserts that Jordan's security was due primarily to the cohesion of its National Security Establishment, a ruling coalition of security and foreign policy professionals that included the monarchy, the political elite and the military.

Politics, Theory, and Film: Critical Encounters with Lars von Trier

Lars von Trier's intense, disturbing, and sometimes funny films have led many to condemn him as misogynist or misanthropic. The same films inspire this collection's reflections on how our fears and desires regarding gender, power, race, finitude, family, and fate often thwart -- and sometimes feed -- our best democratic aspirations. The essays in this volume attend to von Trier's role as provocateur, as well as to his films' techniques, topics, and storytelling. Where others accuse von Trier of being clichéd, the editors argue that he intensifies the "clichés of our times" in ways that direct our political energies towards apprehending and repairing a shattered world. The book is certainly for von Trier lovers and haters but, at the same time, political, critical, and feminist theorists entirely unfamiliar with von Trier's films will find this volume's essays of interest. Most of the contributors tarry with von Trier to develop new readings of major thinkers and writers, including Agamben, Bataille, Beauvoir, Benjamin, Deleuze, Euripides, Freud, Kierkegaard, Ranciére, Nietzsche, Winnicott, and many more. Von Trier is both central and irrelevant to much of this work. Writing from the fields of classics, literature, gender studies, philosophy, film and political theory, the authors stage an interdisciplinary intervention in film studies.

Politics, Theory, and Film: Critical Encounters with Lars von Trier

Lars von Trier's intense, disturbing, and sometimes funny films have led many to condemn him as misogynist or misanthropic. The same films inspire this collection's reflections on how our fears and desires regarding gender, power, race, finitude, family, and fate often thwart -- and sometimes feed -- our best democratic aspirations. The essays in this volume attend to von Trier's role as provocateur, as well as to his films' techniques, topics, and storytelling. Where others accuse von Trier of being clichéd, the editors argue that he intensifies the "clichés of our times" in ways that direct our political energies towards apprehending and repairing a shattered world. The book is certainly for von Trier lovers and haters but, at the same time, political, critical, and feminist theorists entirely unfamiliar with von Trier's films will find this volume's essays of interest. Most of the contributors tarry with von Trier to develop new readings of major thinkers and writers, including Agamben, Bataille, Beauvoir, Benjamin, Deleuze, Euripides, Freud, Kierkegaard, Ranciére, Nietzsche, Winnicott, and many more. Von Trier is both central and irrelevant to much of this work. Writing from the fields of classics, literature, gender studies, philosophy, film and political theory, the authors stage an interdisciplinary intervention in film studies.

Politics through the Iliad and the Odyssey: Hobbes writes Homer (Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought)

Facing censorship and being confined to the fringes of the political debate of his time, Thomas Hobbes turned his attention to translating Homer’s Iliad and the Odyssey from Greek into English. Many have not considered enough the usefulness of these translations. In this book, Andrea Catanzaro analyses the political value of Hobbes’ translations of Homer’s works and exposes the existence of a link between the translations and the previous works of the Malmesbury philosopher. In doing so, he asks: • What new information concerning Hobbes' political and philosophical thought can be rendered from mere translation? • What new offerings can a man in his eighties at the time offer, having widely explained his political ideas in numerous famous essays and treatises? • What new elements can be deduced in a text that was well-known in England and where there were better versions than the ones produced by Hobbes? Andrea Catanzaro’s commentary and theoretical interpretation offers an incentive to study Hobbes lesser known works in the wider development of Western political philosophy and the history of political thought.

Politics through the Iliad and the Odyssey: Hobbes writes Homer (Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought)

Facing censorship and being confined to the fringes of the political debate of his time, Thomas Hobbes turned his attention to translating Homer’s Iliad and the Odyssey from Greek into English. Many have not considered enough the usefulness of these translations. In this book, Andrea Catanzaro analyses the political value of Hobbes’ translations of Homer’s works and exposes the existence of a link between the translations and the previous works of the Malmesbury philosopher. In doing so, he asks: • What new information concerning Hobbes' political and philosophical thought can be rendered from mere translation? • What new offerings can a man in his eighties at the time offer, having widely explained his political ideas in numerous famous essays and treatises? • What new elements can be deduced in a text that was well-known in England and where there were better versions than the ones produced by Hobbes? Andrea Catanzaro’s commentary and theoretical interpretation offers an incentive to study Hobbes lesser known works in the wider development of Western political philosophy and the history of political thought.

Politics to the Extreme: American Political Institutions in the Twenty-First Century

To overcome the political deadlock that overshadows the pressing problems facing the United States, the academies top scholars address the causes and consequences of polarization in American politics, and suggest solutions for bridging the partisan divide.

Politics without Reason: The Perfect World and the Liberal Ideal

Politics without Reason explores the roots of contemporary hostility toward liberalism. The thesis of the book is that ambivalence about the self and about desire as an expression of the self fosters the intense animosity we observe directed toward the liberal ideal.

Politics without Violence?: Towards a Post-Weberian Enlightenment (Rethinking Political Violence)

This book explores the potential for imagining a politics without violence and evidence that this need not be a utopian project. The book demonstrates that in theory and in practice, we now have the intellectual and scientific knowledge to make this possible. In addition, new sensibilities towards violence have generated social action on violence, turning this knowledge into practical impact. Scientifically, the first step is to recognize that only through interdisciplinary conversations can we fully realize this knowledge. Conversations between natural sciences, social sciences and the humanities, impossible in the twentieth century, are today possible and essential for understanding the phenomenon of violence, its multiple expressions and the factors that reproduce it. We can distinguish aggression from violence, the biological from the social body. In an echo of the rational Enlightenment of the eighteenth century, this book calls for an emotional Enlightenment in the twenty first and a post Weberian understanding of politics and the State.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politics without Vision: Thinking without a Banister in the Twentieth Century

From Plato through the nineteenth century, the West could draw on comprehensive political visions to guide government and society. Now, for the first time in more than two thousand years, Tracy B. Strong contends, we have lost our foundational supports. In the words of Hannah Arendt, the state of political thought in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has left us effectively “thinking without a banister.” Politics without Vision takes up the thought of seven influential thinkers, each of whom attempted to construct a political solution to this problem: Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Lenin, Schmitt, Heidegger, and Arendt. None of these theorists were liberals nor, excepting possibly Arendt, were they democrats—and some might even be said to have served as handmaidens to totalitarianism. And all to a greater or lesser extent shared the common conviction that the institutions and practices of liberalism are inadequate to the demands and stresses of the present times. In examining their thought, Strong acknowledges the political evil that some of their ideas served to foster but argues that these were not necessarily the only paths their explorations could have taken. By uncovering the turning points in their thought—and the paths not taken—Strong strives to develop a political theory that can avoid, and perhaps help explain, the mistakes of the past while furthering the democratic impulse. Confronting the widespread belief that political thought is on the decline, Strong puts forth a brilliant and provocative counterargument that in fact it has endured—without the benefit of outside support. A compelling rendering of contemporary political theory, Politics without Vision is sure to provoke discussion among scholars in many fields.

Politik als ästhetische Praxis: Zur sinnlichen Dimension der politischen Gemeinschaft (Edition Moderne Postmoderne)

Bilder und Narrative gehören zu unserer politischen Kultur. Viele denken aber an Inszenierung, den schönen Schein oder reinen Symbolismus, wenn man nach der Ästhetik in der Politik fragt. Entgegen dieser Intuition arbeitet Valérie Dietrich die Produktivität und den konstitutiven Beitrag der Ästhetik für eine demokratische Politik heraus. Mit Hilfe des radikaldemokratischen Politikbegriffs von Jacques Rancière bindet sie sie an die sinnliche Wahrnehmung zurück und setzt sie in ein Verhältnis zu den anderen Vermögen der menschlichen Vernunft. Damit zeigt sie, dass die Ästhetik ein zentraler Ort gesellschaftlicher Reflexivität ist, von dem aus eine neue Politik beginnen kann.

Politik aus christlicher Verantwortung

Ausgehend von den historischen Wurzeln christlich-sozialer Politik denken in diesem Sammelband Autoren aus Politik, Kirche und Wissenschaft darüber nach, wie es sich zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts mit Anspruch und Wirklichkeit einer Politik aus christlicher Verantwortung verhält. Sie schließen damit an eine lebhaft geführte Diskussion über das Wertefundament unserer Gesellschaft an.

Politik der Repräsentation: Zwischen Formierung und Abbildung (Philosophie & Kritik. Neue Beiträge zur politischen Philosophie und Kritischen Theorie)

Marina Martinez Mateo diskutiert klassische Theorien politischer Repräsentation von Hobbes bis Mill anhand folgender These: Repräsentation stellt eine fundamentale, aber paradoxe Figur der Begründung staatlicher Souveränität dar. Das ‚Volk‘, das repräsentiert wird, muss zunächst formiert und zugleich als vorgängig vorausgesetzt und abgebildet werden. In dieser Paradoxie liegt allerdings auch die politische Produktivität der Repräsentation. Durch ihre krisenhafte Struktur wird Repräsentation zu einem Instrument der Kritik: sowohl am Staat, den sie begründet, als auch am Volk, das sie repräsentiert. So mündet die Untersuchung in der Verteidigung einer Politik der Repräsentation gegen institutionalisierte Formen politischer Repräsentation.

Politik Der Ungewissheit: Grenzen Postmoderner Sozialphilosophie In Anschluss An Richard Rorty, Zygmunt Bauman Und Oliver Marchart (Edition Moderne Postmoderne Ser.)

Politik der Zukunft: Zukünftige Generationen als Leerstelle der Demokratie (Edition Moderne Postmoderne)

Ein wesentliches Merkmal unserer Zeit ist die Tatsache, dass wir die Lebensbedingungen zukünftiger Generationen grundlegend beeinflussen. Aus gesellschaftlicher und wissenschaftlicher Perspektive gewinnt daher die Forderung nach einer politischen und institutionellen Einbindung der Zukunft zunehmend an Bedeutung. Vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer und sozialkritischer Analysen erarbeiten die Beiträger*innen des Bandes eine Neubesetzung der politischen Leerstelle zukünftiger Generationen. Der Gegenstand wird aus der Perspektive philosophischer Strömungen beleuchtet, die in der Debatte bislang kaum Beachtung fanden - darunter radikale Demokratietheorien, Theorien des Utopismus, Zeitlichkeitsanalysen und kritische Bildungstheorie.

Politik Des Miteinander: Eine Philosophie Des Gemeinsamen Seins Und Handelns (Edition Moderne Postmoderne Ser.)

Politik in der digitalen Gesellschaft: Zentrale Problemfelder und Forschungsperspektiven (Politik in der digitalen Gesellschaft #1)

Die Bedeutung der Digitalisierung für Politik und Gesellschaft ist ein hoch aktuelles Themenfeld, das immer stärker auch politikwissenschaftlich beforscht und gelehrt wird. Die Beiträge des Bandes versammeln dazu programmatische Positionen, welche zentrale Aspekte und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Digitalisierungsforschung darstellen und diskutieren. Hierzu zählen u.a. Forschungsfelder aus den Bereichen Partizipations- und Parteienforschung, Governance der Digitalisierung, methodische Reflexionen über Computational Social Science und die Analyse von Demokratie und Öffentlichkeit unter den Bedingungen der Digitalisierung.

Politik in der Kunst – Kunst in der Politik: Zum Potential ästhetischer Zugänge zur Politik (Politische Bildung)

Der Band versammelt Beiträge der Arbeitsgruppe Hermeneutische Politikdidaktik zum Thema Politik und Kunst. Politik hat sich schon immer ästhetischer Mittel bedient, um sich zu inszenieren. Umgekehrt ist Kunst ein Reflex auf die politische Verfasstheit der Gesellschaft. Kunst eröffnet damit einen Zugang zur Politik mit hohem Potential für die politische Bildung.

Politik in Fernsehserien: Analysen und Fallstudien zu House of Cards, Borgen & Co. (Edition Politik #55)

House of Cards, Borgen und Co. - seit einiger Zeit boomen Fernsehserien, die explizit den politischen Betrieb fokussieren. Diese erreichen nicht nur ein akademisches Nischenpublikum, sondern erzielen insgesamt hohe Zuschauerquoten. Die Beiträge des Bandes analysieren, wie der Gegenstand Politik in den Serien aufgegriffen und als Material für ihre auf Unterhaltung ausgerichteten Erzählungen aufgearbeitet wird. Über die Auseinandersetzung mit popkulturellen Produkten zeigen sie, wie politische Bilder in populären Filmen und Serien konstruiert und reproduziert werden und wie diese sich auf Wahrnehmungen und Vorstellungen von Politik auswirken. Das Interesse gilt dabei den konstruierten Bildern von Politik im Allgemeinen, aber auch den sich darin äußernden nationalen Besonderheiten.