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Presidents in the Movies: American History and Politics on Screen (The Evolving American Presidency)
by Iwan W. MorganCinematic depictions of real U.S. presidents from Abraham Lincoln to George W. Bush explore how Hollywood movies represent American history and politics on screen. Morgan and his contributors show how films blend myth and reality to present a positive message about presidents as the epitome of America's values and idealism until unpopular foreign wars in Vietnam and Iraq led to a darker portrayal of the imperial presidency, operated by Richard Nixon and Bush 43. This exciting new collection further considers how Hollywood has continually reinterpreted historically significant presidents, notably Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, to fit the times in which movies about them were made.
The President's Lunch
by Jenny BondShe tasted power and passion in the world's highest office against the backdrop of the Great Depression and World War Two.Robbed of her home and job by the Great Depression, the future looks bleak for Iris McIntosh - until a chance encounter with America's indefatigable First Lady, Eleanor Roosevelt. Propelled into the White House's brilliant inner circle, Iris finds herself at the centre of momentous change ... and her heart torn between two men. But her loyalty lies with a third: the complicated and charismatic President Roosevelt, who will ultimately force her to question everything she believes in.A compelling story of politics and power, love and loss, set in one of the most exciting and cataclysmic periods of history.Reviews for Jenny Bond's first novel, PERFECT NORTH'hugely enjoyable' - Australian Women’s Weekly'fascinating in its detail and intriguing in its storyline' - The Canberra Times'This debut novel is based on a true story so tragically romantic you couldn't make it up.' - Who Weekly'A gripping tale' - Good Reading'intriguing' - The Saturday Age
Presidents, Monarchs, and Prime Ministers: Executive Power Sharing in the World (Palgrave Studies in Presidential Politics)
by Carsten AnckarDuring the last three decades, there has been a growing interest in systems that combine elements of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Despite the fact that much attention has been directed towards the semi-presidential form of government in particular, it is evident that many aspects of regime forms remain unexplored. This book systematically categorises democratic political regimes with a separate head of state and government (including regimes with a monarch and prime minister, and president and PM) globally and over a long historical period 1850–2019. It analyses how regimes with a dual executive emerge and what trajectories they follow. It also explores the stability of these regimes across time and space. An important feature of this endeavour is to address actual powers of the head of state rather than constitutional provisions.
The Presidents of American Fiction: Fashioning the U.S. Political Imagination
by Michael J. BlouinThe Presidents of American Fiction brings together American literature, history, and political science to explore the most influential fictionalized accounts of the presidency from the early 19th century to the time of Trump. Of late, popular understandings of the presidency are being radically re-written-consider, for example, the distinctive myths that accompanied the ascent of the Obama and Trump administrations-and many readers of all stripes are radically reimagining the office and its holder. Placing these changes within a broader cultural context, Michael J. Blouin investigates narratives involving fictional presidents, from the supposedly factual to the outright fantastical, within their distinct literary and historical moments. The author considers representative texts including works penned by James Fenimore Cooper from the Jacksonian moment, Gore Vidal in the age of Nixon and Vietnam, and Philip Roth in the neoliberal period. Through detailed readings that question how American presidents function as characters within the popular imagination, this book examines the presidency as a complex, ever-evolving trope, and in so doing enhances our appreciation of American literature's inextricable link with American politics.
The Presidents of American Fiction: Fashioning the U.S. Political Imagination
by Michael J. BlouinThe Presidents of American Fiction brings together American literature, history, and political science to explore the most influential fictionalized accounts of the presidency from the early 19th century to the time of Trump. Of late, popular understandings of the presidency are being radically re-written-consider, for example, the distinctive myths that accompanied the ascent of the Obama and Trump administrations-and many readers of all stripes are radically reimagining the office and its holder. Placing these changes within a broader cultural context, Michael J. Blouin investigates narratives involving fictional presidents, from the supposedly factual to the outright fantastical, within their distinct literary and historical moments. The author considers representative texts including works penned by James Fenimore Cooper from the Jacksonian moment, Gore Vidal in the age of Nixon and Vietnam, and Philip Roth in the neoliberal period. Through detailed readings that question how American presidents function as characters within the popular imagination, this book examines the presidency as a complex, ever-evolving trope, and in so doing enhances our appreciation of American literature's inextricable link with American politics.
The Presidents of the French Fifth Republic (French Politics, Society and Culture)
by D. Bell J. GaffneyIn the French Republic political leadership is normally provided by the presidency, albeit from a very narrow constitutional base. This volume examines the strengths and weaknesses of that leadership as well as the way that executive power has been established in the republican context.
Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats: Forms of Rule in the Post-Soviet Space
by Margarete Klein Hans-Henning SchröderIn the past decade the ‘transition paradigm’, assuming a shift from authoritarianism to democracy on the territory of the post-Soviet space and elsewhere, has been subjected to serious and justified criticism. The complex political and societal developments in the post-Soviet countries have made it clear that a transition to democracy is far from given. Rather a ‘grey zone’, to use Thomas Carothers’ term, has developed, including many regimes which neither fit the traditional democratic nor the classic authoritarian mould. Numerous attempts have therefore been made to devise new categories or to modify existing ones in order to account for the diversity of post-Soviet regimes. These have included many variants of ‘democracy with adjectives’, such as illiberal democracy, delegative democracy and so on, as well as the development of permutations of authoritarianism (competitive, electoral and many more).
Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats: Forms of Rule in the Post-Soviet Space
by Margarete Klein Hans-Henning SchröderOver the last decade the "transition paradigm", which is based on the conviction that authoritarian political systems would over time necessarily develop into democracies, has been subjected to serious criticism. The complex political and societal developments in the post-Soviet region in particular have exposed flaws in the claim that a shift from authoritarianism to democracy is inevitable. Using case studies from the post-Soviet region, a broad range of international contributors present an original and innovative contribution to the debate. They explore the character of post-Soviet regimes and review the political transformations they have experienced since the end of the Cold War. Through a combination of theoretical approaches and detailed, empirical analysis the authors highlight the difficulties and benefits of applying the concepts of hybrid regimes, competitive authoritarianism and neopatrimonialism to the countries of the post-Soviet space. Through this in-depth approach the authors demonstrate how "Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats" in the region lead their countries, examine the sources of their legitimacy and their relationship to the societies they govern and advance the general theoretical debate on regime change and transition paths.
Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats: Forms of Rule in the Post-Soviet Space
by Margarete Klein Hans-Henning SchröderOver the last decade the "transition paradigm", which is based on the conviction that authoritarian political systems would over time necessarily develop into democracies, has been subjected to serious criticism. The complex political and societal developments in the post-Soviet region in particular have exposed flaws in the claim that a shift from authoritarianism to democracy is inevitable. Using case studies from the post-Soviet region, a broad range of international contributors present an original and innovative contribution to the debate. They explore the character of post-Soviet regimes and review the political transformations they have experienced since the end of the Cold War. Through a combination of theoretical approaches and detailed, empirical analysis the authors highlight the difficulties and benefits of applying the concepts of hybrid regimes, competitive authoritarianism and neopatrimonialism to the countries of the post-Soviet space. Through this in-depth approach the authors demonstrate how "Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats" in the region lead their countries, examine the sources of their legitimacy and their relationship to the societies they govern and advance the general theoretical debate on regime change and transition paths.
Presidents, Pandemics, and Politics (The Evolving American Presidency)
by Max J. SkidmoreThis book is an examination of the manner in which American presidents respond to pandemics and other public health crises. Skidmore argues that presidential performance in dealing with emergencies and pandemics varies, but those who are informed, focused, and confident that government can work are most likely to be successful. As an example, Gerald Ford’s “Swine Flu program” is widely derided as incompetent and politically motivated. Closer examination, however, suggests the contrary, demonstrating the potential of government to act quickly and effectively against public health emergencies, even when facing formidable obstacles. The American government has a mixed record ranging from excellent to unacceptable, even counterproductive, in dealing with emergency threats to life and health. Despite ideological arguments to the contrary, however, governments are important to effective responses, and in the American setting, presidential action is essential.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy
by William G. Howell Terry M. MoeHas American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chancellors: Executive Leadership in Western Democracies
by L. HelmsHow have the American presidency, the British premiership and the German chancellorship changed over the last half-century? Has there been convergence or divergence in the development of political leadership in the United States and in the two largest democracies of Western Europe? And what difference can individual leaders make in an ever-more complex political environment? Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chancellors addresses these questions by looking at the leadership performance of more than two dozen American presidents, British prime ministers and German chancellors of the post-1945 period. In so doing, it offers a unique perspective on the nature of executive leadership in Western democracies that takes into account both the international and the historical dimension of comparison.
Presidents, Secretaries Of State, And Crises In U.s. Foreign Relations: A Model And Predictive Analysis
by Lawrence FalkowskiThis book presents a new approach to analyzing the impact of individuals on U.S. foreign policy and reports the results of this analysis for all post-World War II presidents and secretaries of state, including President Carter and Secretary of State Vance. Its compelling but fundamentally simple theme suggests that it may be unnecessary to adopt traditional models of psychology in order to predict the behavior of foreign-policy decision makers. Earlier studies based on these models are either too judgmental to be predictively useful or too abstract to be relevant to the policy process itself. In contrast, the underlying assumption here is that the information necessary to make accurate predictions is more easily obtainable and understandable than once thought. The methods employed to test Dr. Falkowski's predictive model are easy to understand and to replicate. The results indicate a strong relationship between variations in the memories of leaders and their abilities to adopt flexible courses of action when faced with crisis situations. This relationship exists for all presidents and secretaries of state studied, suggesting that it is possible to predict the behavior of new or potential leaders before they are faced with crisis decisions. The implications of these results are far-reaching and might be directly applicable to the selection of new leaders.
Presidents, Secretaries Of State, And Crises In U.s. Foreign Relations: A Model And Predictive Analysis
by Lawrence FalkowskiThis book presents a new approach to analyzing the impact of individuals on U.S. foreign policy and reports the results of this analysis for all post-World War II presidents and secretaries of state, including President Carter and Secretary of State Vance. Its compelling but fundamentally simple theme suggests that it may be unnecessary to adopt traditional models of psychology in order to predict the behavior of foreign-policy decision makers. Earlier studies based on these models are either too judgmental to be predictively useful or too abstract to be relevant to the policy process itself. In contrast, the underlying assumption here is that the information necessary to make accurate predictions is more easily obtainable and understandable than once thought. The methods employed to test Dr. Falkowski's predictive model are easy to understand and to replicate. The results indicate a strong relationship between variations in the memories of leaders and their abilities to adopt flexible courses of action when faced with crisis situations. This relationship exists for all presidents and secretaries of state studied, suggesting that it is possible to predict the behavior of new or potential leaders before they are faced with crisis decisions. The implications of these results are far-reaching and might be directly applicable to the selection of new leaders.
Presidents Secrets: The Use and Abuse of Hidden Power
by Mary GrahamHow presidents use secrecy to protect the nation, foster diplomacy, and gain power Ever since the nation’s most important secret meeting—the Constitutional Convention—presidents have struggled to balance open, accountable government with necessary secrecy in military affairs and negotiations. For the first one hundred and twenty years, a culture of open government persisted, but new threats and technology have long since shattered the old bargains. Today, presidents neither protect vital information nor provide the open debate Americans expect. Mary Graham tracks the rise in governmental secrecy that began with surveillance and loyalty programs during Woodrow Wilson’s administration, explores how it developed during the Cold War, and analyzes efforts to reform the secrecy apparatus and restore oversight in the 1970s. Chronicling the expansion of presidential secrecy in the Bush years, Graham explains what presidents and the American people can learn from earlier crises, why the attempts of Congress to rein in stealth activities don’t work, and why presidents cannot hide actions that affect citizens’ rights and values.
The President's Table
by Jenny BondIn Roosevelt's White House, one woman finds love and friendship in unexpected places. A short story from the author of The President's Lunch. Iris McIntosh is many things to many people - advisor to President Roosevelt, friend and confidant to First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, lover to one man, and girlfriend to another. But when the flamboyant Alexander Woollcott comes to stay, Iris begins to question everything that she had previously taken for granted. As she struggles to maintain the façade that splits her heart between two men, an unexpected evening with Aleck shows that they have more in common than Iris knew, and a simple game unravels both the mystery surrounding his past and the truth that she has failed to admit, even to herself. Jenny Bond has worked as a teacher, journalist, copywriter and researcher. Her non-fiction titles have been published in Australia and the USA. Writing about the stories behind great novels led Jenny to write her own first novel, Perfect North (Hachette 2013). Her second novel, The President's Lunch, again incorporates real-life figures with fictional ones, a technique that allows Jenny to imaginatively interpret historical events. While researching the novel, Jenny spent two months in Washington D.C. visiting the places where the Roosevelts lived and worked. She lives with her husband and children in Canberra, Australia's capital. Visit her at Jennybondbooks.com
Presidents, Unified Government and Legislative Control (Palgrave Studies in Presidential Politics)
by Jung-Hsiang TsaiThis book aims to explain why some presidents are more successful than others in winning the support of legislators during periods of unified government. This book covers five presidential and semi-presidential systems such as France, Indonesia, Mexico, Taiwan, and the U.S. with a wide variety of institutional arrangements and political dynamics. This book elaborates on explaining how institutional factors such as confidence vote, electoral system, candidate nomination and presidential unilateral power influence the ability of presidents to pass their legislative agendas through comparisons across presidential and semi-presidential systems.
Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process: The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective (IDE-JETRO Series)
by Hirokazu KikuchiThis book rethinks gubernatorial effects on national politics using the case of the Argentine Senate. Simultaneously analyzing senatorial behavior in committees and on the floor, Kikuchi argues that senators strategically change their actions according to stages in the legislative process, and that longstanding governors may influence national politics, causing their senators to shelve unwanted presidential bills at the committee stage. He explains senatorial behavior focusing on varieties in the combinations of principals, whose preferences senators must take into account, and shows that legislators under the same electoral system do not necessarily behave in the same way. He also demonstrates that this argument can be applied to cases from other federal countries, such as Brazil and Mexico. Based on rich qualitative evidence and quantitative data, the book offers a theoretical framework for understanding how some governors may influence national politics.
Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process: The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective (IDE-JETRO Series)
by Hirokazu KikuchiThis book rethinks gubernatorial effects on national politics using the case of the Argentine Senate. Simultaneously analyzing senatorial behavior in committees and on the floor, Kikuchi argues that senators strategically change their actions according to stages in the legislative process, and that longstanding governors may influence national politics, causing their senators to shelve unwanted presidential bills at the committee stage. He explains senatorial behavior focusing on varieties in the combinations of principals, whose preferences senators must take into account, and shows that legislators under the same electoral system do not necessarily behave in the same way. He also demonstrates that this argument can be applied to cases from other federal countries, such as Brazil and Mexico. Based on rich qualitative evidence and quantitative data, the book offers a theoretical framework for understanding how some governors may influence national politics.
Press and Foreign Policy
by Bernard Cecil CohenThe relationship between the Washington correspondents of major news-gathering media and representatives of the foreign policy sections of the United States government has long been assumed, but its nature has never been analyzed. In a pioneering study of this relationship, Professor Cohen has used the observable results of contact, the printed and spoken words of the correspondents, as well as data from two sets of structured interviews with members of the press and government in Washington in 1953-1954 and again in 1960. Because the treatment is placed in the general context of a theory of the foreign-policy making process, many of its insights should be applicable to government-press relationships in other fields and in other countries. The degree and kind of influence of the press on American foreign policy will come as a surprise to many readers.Originally published in 1963.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.